• By The Financial District

ATLANTIC CLAIMS TRUMP, GOP PREPARING TO SUBVERT NOV. 3 POLL RESULT

Barton Gellman of The Atlantic has raised the possibility of President Donald Trump using the GOP state committees to torpedo the results of the Nov. 3 presidential election by questioning Democratic voters using 50,000 federal personnel, thrashing main-in ballots and forcing poll officials to end the count.

Worse, the GOP might subvert the results by choosing their electors in the Electoral College to cast their votes for the Republican non-winner, stage violent protests as what the Bush campaign did in Florida to prevent ballots from being counted to favor George Bush and prevent Al Gore from winning, wrote Barton Gellman in the advanced copy of the November 2020 issue of The Atlantic.


“This year, if election analysts are right, we know when the trouble is likely to come. Call it the Interregnum: the interval from Election Day to the next president’s swearing-in. It is a temporal no-man’s-land between the presidency of Donald Trump and an uncertain successor—a second term for Trump or a first for Biden. The transfer of power we usually take for granted has several intermediate steps, and they are fragile,” Gellman wrote. The Interregnum comprises 79 days, carefully bounded by law. Among them are “the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December,” this year December 14, when the electors meet in all 50 states and the District of Columbia to cast their ballots for president; “the 3d day of January,” when the newly elected Congress is seated; and “the sixth day of January,” when the House and Senate meet jointly for a formal count of the electoral vote. In most modern elections these have been pro forma milestones, irrelevant to the outcome. This year, they may not be.


“The worst case, however, is not that Trump rejects the election outcome. The worst case is that he uses his power to prevent a decisive outcome against him. If Trump sheds all restraint, and if his Republican allies play the parts he assigns them, he could obstruct the emergence of a legally unambiguous victory for Biden in the Electoral College and then in Congress. He could prevent the formation of consensus about whether there is any outcome at all. He could seize on that uncertainty to hold on to power,” Gellman argued. “Trump’s behavior and declared intent leave no room to suppose that he will accept the public’s verdict if the vote is going against him. He lies prodigiously—to manipulate events, to secure advantage, to dodge accountability, and to ward off injury to his pride. An election produces the perfect distillate of all those motives. Pathology may exert the strongest influence on Trump’s choices during the Interregnum. Well-supported arguments, some of them in this magazine, have made the case that Trump fits the diagnostic criteria for psychopathy and narcissism. Either disorder, by its medical definition, would render him all but incapable of accepting defeat.”



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